Publication summary on a new report by Christoph Vogel and Josaphat Usamba on the Rift Valley Institute. The report offers a useful overview of past and current demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration (DDR) programs initiated in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
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Is DDR the appropriate tool, program, policy and/or approach for durable conflict mediation and peacebuilding in Myanmar? This article builds on a previous article by Helena Gronberg on the DDR dilemma facing Myanmar
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In late 2015 a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) was signed between the government of Myanmar and eight of the 15 rebel groups active in the country. Although seven armed groups (including the largest insurgent forces) refused to sign the NCA, the ceasefire was a welcomed step in the current peace process. The process was launched by the civilian government that came to power in 2011 following decades of military rule, and is the first, since 1963, to invite all armed groups to participate.
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The outcomes of programs for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) are affected by the way in which they are implemented. More participatory approaches, where ex-combatants feel they have had more say and greater ownership, lead to better results. This is important for how DDR can contribute to the wider peace process and to peacebuilding itself. Establishing trust during DDR is significant for political reconstruction.
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The Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration (DDR) process in Colombia was built nationally, but it was consolidated at the sub-national level. The Mayoral Offices of Bogota and Medellin developed programmes for the reintegration of ex-combatants that played a crucial role in both sustaining and contesting the national policy of reintegration. Analyzing these policies contributes to the understanding of the role that municipal authorities play in underpinning and redefining the DDR national policies.
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Today DDR is undergoing a significant shift. The advent of interim stabilization measures (ISMs), the inclusion of mercenary groups, and those associated with terrorism and the introduction of countering violent extremism (CVE) permeate this new DDR landscape.
This reading list provides a sound foundation cross-referencing the fundamentals of DDR and the emerging CVE environment. This list provides an instructive policy orientation for these interested in the dynamics of contemporary DDR.
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The Peacebuilding Centre is a Canadian NGO that consolidates good practice for peacebuilding and human security. Over the years, it has produced a consolidation of operational tools to make it easier for peacebuilding practitioners to find practical approaches to: engage with fragile states, conduct Early Warning – Early Response assessments to address root causes of conflict, and design conflict-sensitive approaches for project programming in fragile states.
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Reports about SSR and DDR in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are nowadays often ignored by analysts and researchers alike for several reasons – the context rarely changes dramatically, and the key actors remain the same, which makes for few new insights and revelations. However, in 2012 and 2013, things changed quite radically and it appeared as if a window of opportunity finally had opened up for some serious change in the Congo.
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South Sudan’s security sector faces a multitude of issues, including lack of funds, lack of equipment, low institutional capacity, as well as poor training and education. As it stands, the government has yet to successfully address two issues crucial for the achievement of a professional security sector: disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR), which would help reduce the size of the armed forces, and ethnic patronage and ethnic imbalance within the army and police.
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President Santos’ victory in Colombia’s 2014 presidential election has guaranteed the continuation of the ongoing peace process between his government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). If a peace agreement is signed, then the number of FARC entering into the current reintegration framework is set to rise considerably; a new DDR process geared towards the collective demobilization of the group will likely ensue.
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Libya’s new government must contend with a rapidly deteriorating security situation – to the East, it faces armed Federalist militia groups that have already shown a strong inclination for blackmail. Along its periphery, Tripoli had shown little capacity to control its porous borders or militia groups involved in the cross-border illicit economy. In this blog post, the author discusses the serious problem of militias in Libya.
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